Ferghana Valley: in the middle of the Empires
by Johan Gely Specialist in water resources, environment and rural development
http://www.turkiye.net/sota/sota.html
During the Soviet time, Central Asia confined at the periphery of the Soviet Empire, a "cul de sac" at the extreme south, was marginalised. Independence was decided from abroad, on the 8 December 1991 at the Minks conference, by foreign and external forces, a panel made of Russian, Ukrainian and Bielorussian leaders. Independence came along with the creation of the Commenthwealth of Independent State. This independence, not wished by all states of Central Asia, has arisen some pressing issues, and will require few decade to reach geopolitics order and coherence.
Since the independence, the Ferghana Valley has offered a rare illustration of a resurgence in the field of knowledge and concentrates all the issues arisen after the independence in Central Asia.
The Ferghana valley, is a marvellous unit structure scoop out on his length (350 km) and width (100 km) in the heart of the Tien-Shan range. It consists of open drainage system encompassing about 100.000km2, with the Syr-Darya flowing though the valley thus forming the gate to the west and the plain of Turkestan. It is delimited by the Kurama mountains at the North, Alay in the South (which delimit the separation with the Amou-Darya Basin) and the Ferghana Range in the East. Characterised by a high density population (up to 250hab/km2 to be compared with the average of 14 hab/km2 in Central Asia), urbanised were the spatial distribution/repartition of the population presents an extreme encroachment.
The borders, heritage from Stars and Stalin, are completely artificial for most of them, the valley has been divided in three unequal parts allocated to three different republic -the biggest part was allocated to Uzbekistan (27% of his population and 4% of his territory)- to which 7 enclaves have been added. The mountains surrounding the valley are in the Kyrgyz Republic, and the downstream part of the valley, in Khudjant belongs to the Tadjik Republic.
Amid the crucial questions arise on the Ferghana Valley, we can consider the following:
1. Would the identities and especially the ethnic languages match with the state borders especially since the former limits do not respect them even if it was defined, under Stalin, as an attempt of living up with the nationality concept?
2. Would the Valley be able to carry out without dramatic crisis, his double economical transition: from a planned oriented market (with a complete dependence of commercial links completely oriented with other Soviet Republics during 70 years) to market economy and from a colonised management to the new rules of management brought by independence?
3. Most North and Oriental part of the axes of crisis defined by the American analysts as running from Mediterranean sea to Afghanistan, this area will be threaten by a rapid deterioration of its politic situation, contaminated by abroad extremism currents?
The new resurgence of violence in Batken (Kyrgysztan) and Yangiabad (Uzbekistan) combined with ethnical clashes in recent past is a challenge for the idea of Nations. Some analysts do not exclude a possibility for repeating "Yugoslavia scenario" starting in Central Asia in the Ferghana Valley.
We do consider that there is a room for optimism, this document, with others, is part of Acted's strategy to attract the attention of the international community to that area, and try to identify some tools for a better approach….
Throughout history the Ferghana Valley's favourable location between oases and mountains pastures made it a valuable centre for merchants trading with China and the Mediterranean. And it made it as one of the main key cross of the Silk Road which serve also as a gate to the high mountains pathways of Eastern Turkestan (Pamir and Tien-Shan).
All people of Central Asia have in the past one thing in common: water shortage. Solidarity was first developed along the Syr-Darya and Amou-Darya systems, with the delimitation of island of stability and durable settled society. Thus, we can identify three big hydro-historic area, each build up with its own personality and identity provide by a bright history of settlement):
1. Khorzem, Turkish (Karakalpak, Uzbek and Turkmen), located on the Amou-Darya delta
2. Sogdiane mainly composed by the Tajik ethnic, covering the Zerafshan valley and its mountains
3. Ferghana with a majority of Uzbek located on the Syr-Darya
In between those three poles, the intermediate area (West arid and North covered by steppes) was occupied by the nomads who, sporadically, tries to spread terror over those areas.
In 19th century, the three hydro-historic poles, based on the three multiethnic emirates of Khiva, Boukhara and Kokand were rival for the control of their periphery. All Emirates have lost their territory following the Russian conquests in the 19th century.
Major historical
events
|
1,000 BC (bronze epoch) |
Scythian-Siberian savage style |
Osh
settlement on the slope of Suleiman-Tash mountain: site of Muslim pilgrimage |
|
329 BC |
Beginning of the influence of the Macedonian and Greek culture |
Alexander
the Great reaches the valley and uses its good relationships with the Scythes
to explore the most oriental part of the Persian Empire. He decided to
establish a frontier settlement on the shore of the Iaxarates (present
Syr-Darya) on the site of the modern Khudjant and called it Alexander extreme
(Eskhata) with purpose of closing the valley. |
|
2nd century BC |
"Opening of the Silk Road", firsts contact with China's
representants |
The
legend of the opening of the Silk road: emperor WOU from China sent an
embassy to the valley with rich gifts to Ferghana Valley for purpose of
obtaining the noble and fast so-called Celestial horses (they were believed
to sweat blood, to be the offspring of a dragon and jument, and to bring
immortality). e.g.:
paintings of Celestial horses on the rocks near the village Aravan are
preserved in the Valley. |
|
Begining of the 7th
century |
|
Chinese
protectorate on the Valley. |
|
Mid of the 7th century |
|
Arab
victory in Talas. |
|
9th century |
|
Khanat
of the Kara-khanids arrival.
Establishment of Islamic architecture. |
|
10th-12th
century |
|
Uzgen:
second capital of Kara-khanids Dynasty with mausoleums. |
|
13th-15th
century |
Pax Mongolica |
The
Mongols ruled the area, under Gengis Khan and Tamerlan imposing peace on the
entire length of the Silk road. |
|
16th-19th |
|
After
Tamerlan's dead, Central Asia disintegrate into a myriad of rival
city-states. Kokand Khanat in the Ferghana Valley. |
|
19th century |
|
Birth
of Babur in Andijan, founder of the great Mongol Empire. |
|
19th century |
Invaders from Russia |
During
the mid- and late XIX century, the Ferghana Valley became parts of the Russian Empire. |
|
1924 |
Soviets Republics |
Autonomous
province of Kara-Kyrgyzstan. |
|
1924 |
Uzbekistan
became a Soviet Socialist Republic, including the Tajik autonomous Republic. |
|
|
1936 |
Kyrgyzstan
became a Soviet Socialist Republic. |
|
|
1991 |
Independence |
The
Valley is divided between Uzbekistan, the Kyrgyz Republic and the Tajik
Republic. |
Clashes in the past
ten years
|
1989 |
Ethnic
clashes in Uzbekistan between Uzbeks and Meskhetian Turks in Kuvasay,
Margilan, Kokand and Namagan. 103 dead and over 1,000 were reported wounded.
Most of the Meskhetians had to flee away. |
|
1989 |
Ethnic
clashes between Tadjiks and Kyrgyzs in Samarkendek. Tensions attributed to
land and water allocation. Several people were killed and injured. |
|
1990 (June) |
Osh-Uzgen
riots between Kyrgyzs and Uzbeks. Dispute over redistribution of land to
local residents. Hundreds of people died. |
|
1998 |
Khudjant:
infiltration of rebels from Uzbekistan. Heavy fight in the province during
two weeks. |
|
1999 (August-October) |
Batken
crisis: Infiltration of a group of armed guerrillas in South Kyrgyzstan who
kidnapped four Japanese and Kyrgyz. They were released unharmed, following
many clashes between Kyrgyz and Uzbek troops. According to media reports, a
possible ransom was paid for their release. |
|
1999 (November) |
One
frontier guard wounded in Zardali village (Batken province) in the Kyrgyz
Republic. According to some
information, small groups of extremists are still hiding in mountains of
Batken province. |
|
1999 (November) |
Clashes
in Yangiabad (Uzbekistan). A group of 15 up to 20 Islamic gunmen killed six
people in shoot-outs on the 23 November in the mountainous tourist area
around Angren. Later they were killed by the Uzbek Security and Interior
Ministry troops on 29 November. |
As describe in the table, a few years before the independence and soon afterwards, several conflicts and turmoil's occurred in the valley. Although they did not escalate into major regional confrontations, these conflicts illustrate that violence -product of religion, ethnic differences, poverty, struggle for land, water and resources allocation,…- is becoming common in the valley and is a sign that the Ferghana could be facing a period of increasing strife.
The following parts of the documents is an attempt to describe the factors likely to bring about conflicts in the Ferghana valley.
"No one has analysed the nationality question as well as organised our national republics as did Stalin. The creation of the Central Asia Republics was entirely his doing[1]".
The borders were drawn between 1924 and 1936, by the authorities in Moscow, based on both political and economic considerations. They are based on linguistically distinct population (which explain the enclaves) who generally do not follow the natural border drawn by landscape specificities.
Furthermore, the most complexity of the geographical territory is also illustrated by the fact that the countries sharing the Ferghana Valley are not only limited by international borders but also within their territories, by the existence of 7 enclaves. The particularity bring some specific elements in mutual relations in that area: transit, transportation, trade relation…
On the Northern side of Alay, on the Kyrgyz territory, four enclaves have been administratively attached to Uzbekistan. That of Sokh (42,724 inhabitants in 1993, 99% are Tajiks, 325km2), the biggest one, along-side the similarly-named river, constitutes now an autonomous district of Uzbekistan, and that of Khamzaabad, along Ak-Suu river, famous for his Sakhimardan mausoleum.
Further Southwest, two other enclaves, whose Vorukh centre is the main one, have been attached to Tajikistan.
Finally, on the western side of the Ferghana Uzbek, a last enclave also attached to Tajikistan (mainly inhabited by Tajik) has a length of 14 km (his width is only 500m) alongside the Sarvak, on the southern slopes of the Kurama mountain.
The biggest part of the valley has been attributed to Uzbekistan, thus respecting the political logic's of building up territories on a ethnical basis: the Ferghana is principally Uzbek.
At an other scale, new reality appear. In the west part of the Ferghana basin, around Khudjant city (called Leninabad between 1936 and 1991, open gate to the Turkestan steppes), Tajik are in majority combined with Uzbek population in big amount. As everywhere else in the Soviet Empire, Stalin's decision to draw ethnically based borders -where previously there were none- justify the creation of Khudjant province and its link to Tajikistan in 1929 (date of creation of the Tajik Soviet Republic). Thus coming after the pre-founded in 1924 of the autonomous province of Tajikistan -lacking of the Ferghana ascendancy- inside the Uzbek Republic.
Why did the Soviet aparachtchiks have been waiting 1929 to recognise the Tajik "essence" of Khudjant province?
From 1924 to 1929, Pamir was the main part of the Tajik territory and unfortunately did offer only few economical resources. The allocation of the southern part of the Khudjant province -rich cottons Ferghana area- was done in order to give to the new Tajik Soviet Republic status obtained in 1929, appearance of an viable economic state.
It shows to which extent the ethnical criteria to draw borders had been manipulated, under the veil of science and impartiality, to be used on the behalf of a cynical "geopolitics of cotton".
On the other side of the Ferghana, as of 1924, Osh and Djalal-Abad area were allocated to the Kyrgyz Republic, with purpose of having a majority of Kyrgyz population. At the beginning Kyrgyz accounts for a thin majority, in 1920 they made up 50,6% of Osh province population, almost as much as the Uzbek population. As a matter of fact, this province was connected to a wide mountainous area and a piece of the Ferghana Valley.
Under the fallacious excuse of the respect of ethnical balances, pure geopolitical and economical consideration presided over the drawing of borders which do not live up with ethnical consideration -with the allocation of a rich part of the valley to mountainous republics.
Nota:
In the Kyrgyz Republic, the Security Council, chaired by President Akaiev, decided on the 5 October to divide three districts (Batken, Chong Alay and Kadamjay) from Osh province to create the new Batken province. The Parliamentary People's Assembly on 12 October approved the decision on forming this new and seventh, administrative province of the Kyrgyz Republic.
The three ethno-territorial entities on which the Ferghana have been split up are better connected and closer to each other than to their home states on whom they are politically depending.
As said before, the highest density of the population in Central Asia are found in the valley (Batken and Osh province: 34 hab/km2, Djalal-Abad: 26 hab/Km2), with high percentage of youth (40% in the Kyrgyz Ferghana), and birth rate. "The Ferghana Valley holds a very significant portion of three countries' overall population -27% of Uzbekistan, 31% of Tajikistan and 51% of the Kyrgyz Republic"[2], with an overall population of 10 millions people.
Regarding the nature of post-soviet migratory movements, we observe a large rural exodus in the direction of Osh for the Kyrgyz Republic, Khudjant for the Tadjik Republic and Andijan, Ferghana and Namagan in the Uzbek Republic. This migration to Osh for example, is concerning the usual migration -on the basis of economic decline- from Batken province and rural areas in Osh province but concern also a ethnic migration phenomenon coming from the neighbouring Tajikistan (Khudjant province, Djirgital and Murgab province in Tajikistan…)
The so-called "punished people" (Ingush, Balkars, Karachai and Crimean Tatars, considered as "hostile/enemy" classes and sent by Stalin in Central Asia in 1943/1944) and other minorities deported during the 2nd world war (Volga Germans, Kurds, Khemsins and Greek) are seeing population decline but the Uigur, Turk and Chechens (especially since the 2nd Russian-Chechen war in the north Caucasus) are growing.
European out-migration from the Ferghana Valley has increased greatly over the past ten years. The main factors of emigration among Russian are economic insecurity, mass unemployment among the Slavic population, a lack of demand on their skills, difficulties in obtaining the proper education.
As showed in many polls, confirm by analysts, only economic growth and peace, rather then dual citizenship treaties will in long run keep ethnic Slavs, and other minorities in the Ferghana.
Concerning the indigenous nationalities of the valley, 700,000 Uzbeks live in the south of Kyrgyzstan, 300,000 Kyrgyz are residents of Uzbekistan and more than 1,4 million Uzbeks live in Tajikistan[3].
All those factors are contributing to the fact that the general demographic trends in the Ferghana Valley are characterise by an increase proportion of the "mother ethnic".
Summary:
Since the independence, the population of the Ferghana Valley is characterised by a complete reshaping of its ethnic balance in favour of the "mother ethnic" and by a large share of young in the age structure.
One of the main factor contributing to the Valley's instability is with unemployment along with narco-traffic and criminalization[4].
In 1998, 171 kilos of raw opium and 24,7 kilos (30,000$ - 40,000$/kg on black market) of heroin were confiscated in the Kyrgyz Republic.
Untill the middle of the present decade, the majority of smuggled drugs were arriving in the Kyrgyz Republic through the Ferghana Valley from Afghanistan (Afghanistan's dry opium production: 350 tons (1986), 4,581 tons (1999))[5] via the Tajik-Afghan border to the province of Gorno-Badakhshan of Tajikistan, and then through the mainly uncontrolled and mountainous (three pass over 4,000 mabsl) Khorog-Osh-Andijan road (also called "opium Highway" by some foreign journalists). Most of the smugglers are using the small mountains paths, even during winter, between the district of Murgab and Djirgital in Tajikistan and the district of Chong-Alay and Batken in the Kyrgyz Republic. Therefore, and profiting of the stabilisation of the situation in Tajikistan, the Afghan-Shartouz (Tajikistan)-Termez (Uzbekistan) and Afghan-KurgenTepe-Dushanbe-Khudjand roads are taking a bigger role in the drug traffic.
If the social profile of the typical drug addict concerned limited groups of businessmen at the beginning of the nineteen's, it has change completely and the majority of the addicted persons are now young jobless people aged from 13 to 22 (644 drug-abusers officially registered by the Osh Regional narcological clinic in 1998[6]).
This criminal business has led to new socio-economic characteristics: it is becoming a sort of co-ordinated inter-ethnic co-operation, involving more and more women (for the following well-known reasons: there are paid less thus more interesting for drug-dealers and benefit from much softer penalty code).
Islam has always been an inalienable part of the Central Asian culture, even during the soviet period (Islam was break up and remodelled in the soviet spirit. Independence has made appear what pre-existed: mollahs network all over the countries and religious practices well establish at all level of the society.
The presence and influence of Islam is strongly felt in the Ferghana Valley due to many reasons: exclusion of the power centres (Uzbeks elites Samarcande, Tadjik presidential clan from Kuliab…), crisis of the agricultural sector, overpopulation, geographical isolation. This leads to an Islamisation of the habits especially in Namagan with the banishment of bars and the reappearance of tchador.
Central Asia has three Islamic currents[7]: traditional -repressed during the soviet period- but now present in all areas of culture and daily life; an official or "national" Islam artificially created by the new governments which retain only as much of the traditional elements as necessary to boost up their own interest, and reject the rest. Finally there is a new and modern Islam, result of the exchanges over the past 10 years with other Muslims countries, in which were found the modern Islamic currents such as the Turkish Nordjouism, the conservatives or radicals as the Saudi Wahabists…
Links between religious organisation in the Ferghana Valley and Saudi Arabia became stronger each year. In the Kyrgyz Republic, the Hadj to Mecca was concerning a few dozen of people at the beginning of the nineties and 3,000 people in 1998, 95% out of them coming from southern Kyrgyzstan.
Awareness on radical Islamic movements is starting in the Ferghana, many newspaper in Uzbekistan and the Kyrgyz Republic have been publishing on that problem, some of them even suggest the methodical recommendations on how to organise counteraction against extremism movements and organisations.
Important:
One of the main form of inter-ethnic co-operation have, till today, been build up on criminal (narco-traffic) or fundamentalist faith basis. The crucial question is: would the traditional Islamic solidarity prevail on ethnic membership or belonging?
What would be the nature and awareness of the Central-Asia Islam? Would it be the cement religious able to transcended the differences, the languages and the states rivalries? Or the population will be more and more sensible to the fundamentalists and extremism's?
A long way is to be done to reach the natural inter-ethnic democratic way of co-operation.
As we said before, ethnic divisions rarely match political boundaries. The valley's Tajik, Uzbek, and Kyrgyz populations have a long but troubled history of sharing its land. Ethnicity always played a role in the Ferghana Valley, but as we said before, the great Kokan Khanate was multi-ethnic. At that time, the society in the Valley was primarily govern by Islam Sharia's law and a strong civil society was prevailing.
During the colonisation, all of these conditions were changed, the Russian divided the valley between Uzbek, Kyrgyz and Tajik Soviet Socialist Republics and destroy the traditional societal pattern of the Valley. Where ethno-linguistic communities were living with one another in mixed communities for centuries, arbitrary boundary's lines have been drawn through them.
As economic condition deteriorate, the potential for conflict grows, it is easier to count on the social problems to accentuate ethnic jealousy. This is often exploited by some politics, at local level, seeking to feed pre-existing distrust and suspicion. The important Uzbeks minority in southern Kyrgyzstan is more and more complaining on new rising of hyper-nationalism since independence. Many publication combined with high-ranks politics statements on national propaganda appeared a few years ago, looming specially during period of tension, are leading to politics instability. Some analysts predict the "Balkanisation" of the Valley and even compare the Ferghana to a new Kosovo.
The regional stabilisation begins to look shaky due to the melting pot deep-rooted tensions between Uzbeks, Tajiks and Kyrgyzs in impoverished Ferghana Valley and Islamic revival and propaganda from hard-line believers from abroad.
The guarantee of inter-ethnic harmony has been handled by different politic strategy in the Valley. Uzbekistan is using power and repression, the Kyrgyz Republic , on several measure display very tolerant attitude (project on educational tolerance, civic definition of the Kyrgyz nation, discrimination is legally forbidden, equal rights are constitutionally guaranteed, proposition for dual citizenship's, official status for the Russian language) mainly basis on the reaffirmation of the commitment to a political, territorial basis for identity regardless of ethnic background.
This process, since independence, is developed in confrontation with two different politics forces: the ethnocentrism and the Islamic current.
Ethnocentrism is a reminiscence of the identity formation created by the Stalin cut-out of the Valley in 1924-1936.
Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan are on a sharp process of struggle recognition. This nation building process most often bypass the communities themselves, identities have been formed, influenced and reformulated by institution of the nation state[8]. Languages have turned out to be the ultimate criteria for legitimacy. Under state's incentive, people rely on their past history selectively, pick up in their culture memory symbols which brings legitimacy to new states. Confusions, inside a same country, are artificially entertains between the main ethnical groups and others. Above all, but this could be a good thing, they have build a sort of "situation construction"[9] and regards the boundaries that were drawn for them by other as absolutely sacred and permanent.
More and more, the nationality concept has more weigh than the religious identity, the leaders of the new independent states wish to build up a nation without negating the Muslim presence, but in struggling against any Islamist movement which will have political effect.
The issue of how this identity formation will take shape in the future and whether these countries will achieve their social justice and equality for all in the Valley is still problematic. The politics instability may alter identities, a change in the power structure could lead to a reformulation of identities and thus bring new period of instability…
The signature in 1994 of an agreement creating a united economic zone between Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan was a success. Such politic innovation needs to be strengthen in the future with the involvement of Tajikistan. The integration process of the three countries in the Ferghana Valley could acquire a tangible reality through the creation of co-ordinated policy on transportation and communication, on the use of fuel, energy and water resources, the establishment of several institutions for co-operation (Interstate Council, Council of Premier ministry, Foreign Ministry and Defence Ministry, permanent working body…).
Some initiatives should be supported such as for example the effort to build a media network in the area of the Ferghana Valley by the Osh Media Resource. Since the beginning of 1999, "media conflicts[10]" appears between official media in Uzbekistan and the opposition press in Kyrgyzstan, dealing with the issues of the border demarcation between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, Tashkent bombing of February 1999, Batken crisis of August-October 1999, smuggling products…
The impediments to the process of integration are known and need to be overcome:
1. legacy from the past
2. contradictions in the transition period between a planned economy and one based on market principles
3. differences in each country's development strategy
4. impact of various exogenous factors
The natural resources and their location provide three bases for intra-regional trade and economic growth[11]:
1. The difference resources endowments within the Valley provide a basis for intra-regional trade
2. The common resources provide the basis for trade with the rest of the world (when existence of comparative advantage)
3. Their landlinkes status suggest possibility to growth in development dedicated to the transformation products.
The resources endowments in the Ferghana Valley include some specific characteristic: an historical background of development, investment and trade-links; young and generally healthy workforce; oil and natural gas; many coal basin; water; precious metals and ores; presence of basic transportation infrastructures; and irrigated and rainfed agriculture.
The economy's expansion of
the Ferghana Valley, and the willingness of the countries to undertake mutually
beneficial act, depend on many factors. Among the most important issues are the
tendency toward nationalisation and isolation at the expense of co-operation,
infrastructure limitations, the large distances separating markets, the need
for both private and public sectors development financing, the difficulties
encountered in restructuration and privatisation, limited input capacity
limited management capacities and limited abortive capacity.
Historical trade patterns in the subregion are the results of both topography and politic. Because of high mountain ranges surrounding the valley, overland traders have travelled trough the relatively high mountains pass and population centres grew up around the oases along the corridors. The Ferghana Valley was one of the main key crossroads of the legendary "Silk Road".
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the consequent disruption of its centrally planned economy placed special socio-economic on the other Central Asian Republics. They had become accustomed to trade with the rest of the USSR in mainly agriculture raw materials and ore, in return for foodstuffs and other necessary commodities.
From 1988 to 1990, for example, the central Asian republics (excluding Kazakhstan) annualy imported about 7 million MT of grain, 70,000 MT of meat, 500,000 MT dairy products and 115,000MT of sugar from the rest of the USSR. In return they have been providing the Soviet Union with more than 90% of its cotton needs, 155 of its vegetable oils, nearly 50% of its rice and 35% of its fruit and vegetable requirements.
The Ferghana Valley was, in order to be in accordance with the strategy interest of Russian Soviet Socialist Republic, during 7 decades, transform in a raw productive economy, shipping out raw material and products (mines and cottons) and bringing in finish production, the overall being supported by an huge amount of subvention.
Kyrgyzstan is providing Uzbekistan with electricity, meat and milk, coal, wheaten floor, ore and scrap, wool, clothes, sugar and medicine. Uzbekistan is providing the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan with natural gas, fertilisers, fuel oil and gasoline. Kyrgyzstan is providing Tajikistan with wheaten floor,
Small-scale private trade -shuttle trade- and informal trade provides, along the borders, employment for older women, young men, and others affected by the sharp dislocations of the 1990s. Its labour intensive and does not provide a high return to labour, there are subject to considerable harassment by border officials, custom inspectors, and local police authorities, and must frequently resort to bribes to move goods across borders.
Of course the newly independent countries open their territory to international investment (ex: on the Tobacco industry in Kyzyk-Kyya, cotton sector all over the Ferghana, textile industry in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan…) and have the opportunity to develop their economy with a restrictive influence of Moscow but the level of foreign investment is very low.
The general politic strategy in that area is focusing on energy independence to get rid of the mutual energy supply dependence lasting for many decades.
The most important public sector objective in energy for the three republics is to overcome periodic energy shortages and dependence on unreliable energy sources and develop new investment market for their energy that will provide a stable source of foreign exchange.
In the Kyrgyz range mountains (Ferghana, Alay…) surrounding the valley gather the tributaries that gradually combine to form the Syr-Darya, of which the Ferghana Valley forms the upper watershed, share by the Kyrgyz Republic, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan
At the scale of the Syr-Darya system, a distinction has to be made between the upstream state of Kyrgyzstan -which guarantee control over the spring- and the two downstream states of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Water management and co-ordinating water use and energy planing has become a critical issue. The total dislocation between natural and politics units is leading to further interstates competition on water control and management of the Syr-Darya unique source of agriculture prosperity in the area.
The Syr-Darya is used mainly to supply water for irrigation systems and generate power. The small and large hydroplants along these rivers are located in Tajikistan (Khudjant) and Kyrgyzstan (Toktogul).
Main issues related to water:
The general situation regarding water, sanitation infrastructure, drainage and irrigation system is catastrophic all over the Ferghana Valley. Constraints are due to a lack of funds for operation and maintenance as well as bad location of canals and infrastructures.
The Kyrgyz case:
To fill its commitment related to energy independence, Kyrgyzstan has set up a string of powerful hydroelectric stations on the Naryn River. Meanwhile, this country struggle to feed its own energy needs in winter time and is forced to buy natural gas, coal and fuel from Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan at world price.
Under existing agreement on water supply, Kyrgyzstan is entitled to 11,9 km3 quota in the Aral Sea. During the summer growing season, Uzbekistan and to a lesser extend Tajikistan need substantial amounts of water from rivers that Kyrgyzstan provides for irrigation purpose. In order to control the run-off of trans-borders rivers like Naryn, Akbura and Karadarya -all tributaries of the Syr-Darya- in terms of using their waters for irrigation by neighbouring countries, there are many reservoirs built in Kyrgyzstan, including Toktogul (note: with a capacity of 19,5 km3 mainly built to meet irrigation needs of Uzbekistan, as a result, Kyrgystan lost 43,140 hectares of cultivated lands that went into flowage area). For that purpose, up to 77 percent of water goes to irrigate an estimated 1,3 million hectares in neighbouring countries.
Practices like this have seriously hit the power-generating potential of hydroelectric stations in Kyrgyzstan and have caused energy losses. The lack of water during winter period to generate electricity for domestic heating has reach a crucial point, therefore Kyrgyzstan is reluctant to drain the Toktogul reservoir during the summer. And, of course, electric energy produced in summer finds no sale in these countries
Many commissions and agreement are dealing with those issues:
1. The intergovernmental agreements on utilisation of the Naryn-Syr-Darya water reservoir Cascade hydropower are reconducted each year to solve this issue, and make provisions on export of electric power from Kyrgyzstan to Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan in volume of 2,2 billion kWh per year in exchange of counter-supplies of 500 million m3 of the Uzbek gas and 570,000 tons of coal from Kazakhstan.
2. The Central Asian Scientific Research Institute of Soil Reclamation and Irrigation (SANIRI), in Tashkent is working on water management and try to control the water allocation between the riparian countries of the Aral Sea Basin.
As previously mention, Kyrgyzstan has large hydroelectric potential and then generates most of its electricity through hydroelectric power stations.
Uzbekistan relies primarily on thermal power stations fuelled by natural gas. The country draws significantly on hydropower produced from power stations in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan territory.
A fairly reliable region electricity grid serving the three countries and the south of Kazakhstan was established in 1960. Headquartered in Tashkent, this interconnected grid consists of 220 KV and 500 KV power transmission lines. Installed capacity: 24,779MW.
General features:
One potential important source of income is providing by the mine sector. Nowadays, mining is suffering of lack capital investment and collapse of USSR and supplying of spare parts. Employment level in the mining sector work at 6-10% of his capacity in Batken province for example. And, if in some places, the Ferghana economy is partly complementary in resources endowment, even where resources are similar, borders and natural terrain make intra regional trade cheaper in many cases than intra-national exchange.
The Feghana Valley is at the core of the big geological characters structuring the region, each offering specifics resources. The ancient Thetys fracture, dig between the Indian and Siberian plaques, has been fill in by the Himalayan orogen is rich in gas and fuel. The mountains are rich in ore.
The Ferghana is endowed with important coal deposit (many coal basin are crossing the valley). Concerning the coal industry, it has to be emphasised that accessibility is a major hurdle, many deposits are situated in remote area (Sulukta, Kyzyl-Kyya). Furthermore, coal is the main source of heating in the Kyrgyz Republic and in Tajikistan. Because the subregion's deposits have a high sulphur surplus content[12], burning coal contributes to significant air pollution in urban area.
One major case of inter state exchange: Namagan slate combine and brick factories of Namagan and Ferghana provinces are largest consumers of small-sized coal mines of southern Kyrgyz Republic.
Coal deposit in the southern Kyrgyz Republic:
Sulukta: most of the coal goes to households as well as a few small businesses and municipal heating plants. Part of the production is sent to Tajikistan (planned calls for output of 100,000tonnes in 1997).
Kyzyl-Kyya: traditional catchment area is within a radius of approx. 100km. Traditional markets: power plant from Kyzyl-Kyya, power plants in Ferghana and Kuvasai (Uzbekistan), which were designed to use this coal.
Almalyk: the sales area cover Kyzyk-Kyya and Osh area (Production: 40,000 tons).
Kok-Yangak: main sales area is the town of Jalal-Abad and its province.
Tash-Kumyr: Sales area comprises parts of the Jalal-Abad provinces as well as traditionally to areas of Uzbekistan, especially the Namagan province.
Many deposit are located in the valley but no possible comparison with the Caspian deposit.
The Kyrgyz case:
Estimated reserve of natural Gas in Djalal-Abad province: 4,9 billion m3. Forecast resources amount to 32,9 billion m3 according to some statements.
New oil well on Karagatch deposit in Lailek district was put into operation this year in the Kyrgyz Republic
Location of the major discovered deposits in the past 70 years in the Kyrgyz Ferghana:
1. Oil and gas: Area of Sulukta and Isphana, village of Sovetskaya, Djalal-Abad, Kochkor Ata, Maili Suu, Kek Tash, Kyzyl-Jar
At the present time, the mining industry suffer from crisis related to drop of world prices on metals and non ferrous (such as gold and antimony) and by the fact that exploration works require large capital investments, which will have to be paid back. For that reason the richest mining industry in the Ferghana is suffering of lack of financing and its activities is being gradually reduced.
One example of the past magnificence of the mining industry is the Khaidarken Mercury Combine which was, during the Soviet time, exporting his product in all CIS countries. Same characteristics for the Kadamjay Antimony Combine or the rich polymetal deposits in the west part of the Kurama mountains.
The south of the Ferghana Valley is a site of deposit of non ferrous metals (Antimony…), and other mineral resources (Gypsum in Abshir, Mercury in Batken,...). The west part of the Ferghana, along the Kurama, is a major site of copper and uranium situated on both side of the Tajik-Uzbek territory. There is some logistical limitation to the development of the mining industry: most of the deposits are located in remote and inaccessible areas.
The main copper deposits which are situated on the Uzbek site while, in the neighbouring Tajikistan, the Uranium deposit and above all, the fluorite from Nawgarzon are only accessible via Uzbekistan.
Location of the major discovered deposits in the past 70 years in the Kyrgyz Ferghana:
1. Gold and tin ores are situated in the upper western part of the Valley
2. Uranium: Maili-Suu
3. Aluminium: area of Sokh river, Kyzyl-Kyya
4. Antimonite: area of Lailek river, Khaidarken, Kek Jangak
5. Mercury: Area of Sokh river, Kek-Suu river, Khaidarken
6. Manganese: Tash Kumir
7. Copper: Kanysh Kyya, Terek Sai, Sumsar, Kurshab river
8. Zinc: Sumsar, Ala Buka
9. Iron: Sumsar
10. Deposit of resources for construction materials (clay, quartz sand, Gypsum, bentonite clay): Sulukta, Isphana, Kyzyl-Kyya, Uzgen, Osh,…
Economic co-operation is already occurring in the Ferghana Valley in the trade of energy: coal, electricity… but need to be strengthen on institutional point of view.
Following, some of the investments done last months in the Ferghana Kyrgyz:
Universal Company (USA) considers to modernise and to install new equipment's at KKTameskisi JSC. Diamond International (USA) installed new equipment's at Osh tobacco fermentation plant.
Heinrich Glaeser (Germany), textile company, invest in the cotton industry and build a ginnery in Jalal-Abad province which was completed in 1998.
DIM ltd Company has decided to invest in the construction of a ginnery in Osh province.
Tajik-Kabool-Textiles in Kanibadam (East Khudjant in Tajikistan).
Economic integration of the Central-Asia states was done within the Soviet Union, and the inclusion of these republics in a common administrative region for planning purpose, did not lead to sufficient investments in infrastructures to facilitate intra or inter-republic integration and trade. The location of railroads and roads, in particular, was designed to take raw materials to specific processing plants in Russia rather than to local processing plants. Little investment was directed toward the internal development of the individual republic or of a direct trading and other interaction between them. Combined with those issues is the sharp lack of maintenance and upkeep, the physical infrastructure is showing signs of obsolescence.
For all this republics independence was unplanned and unanticipated. As a result, since 1991 each has experienced a serious declined in GDP and employment, each has been faced with the need to replace institution depend to manage a centrally planned economy for a market-oriented economy, and each has suddenly had to force the challenge of building a modern infrastructure that supports its own national interest and aspiration.
Overcoming these challenges requires investments and vigorous development of new markets and trading relations ships. This objectives can be achieved only in the context of regional economic co-operation.
See VIII, IX and X.
The subregion's transportation infrastructure in the valley is not adequate to support the economic requirements. Although the basic transportation infrastructure is already in place, the infrastructure needs to be reoriented to meet the national aspiration.
Matrixes distances
(in Km):
|
|
OSH |
DJALAL-ABAD |
ANDIJAN |
NAMAGAN |
FERGHANA |
KHUDJANT |
DUSHANBE |
BISHKEK |
TASHKENT |
|
OSH |
|
54 |
46 |
113 |
117 |
265 |
615 |
650 |
362 |
|
DJALAL-ABAD |
54 |
|
70 |
167 |
171 |
319 |
669 |
596 |
416 |
|
ANDIJAN |
46 |
70 |
|
67 |
70 |
240 |
590 |
665 |
337 |
|
NAMAGAN |
113 |
167 |
67 |
|
80 |
230 |
580 |
763 |
310 |
|
FERGHANA |
117 |
171 |
70 |
80 |
|
210 |
560 |
767 |
320 |
|
KHUDJENT |
265 |
319 |
240 |
230 |
210 |
|
350 |
915 |
165 |
|
DUSHANBE |
615 |
669 |
590 |
580 |
560 |
350 |
|
1265 |
515 |
|
BISHKEK |
650 |
596 |
665 |
763 |
767 |
915 |
1265 |
|
550 |
|
TASHKENT |
362 |
416 |
337 |
310 |
320 |
165 |
515 |
550 |
|
Major features of transportation infrastructure:
The Kyrgyz Ferghana is the only part of Ferghana which is strongly tied up to the national territory. It does not mean that it is well adjusted to the rest of the territory: driving from Bishkek to Osh, the 2nd city of the country requires to cross the Tien-Shan ranges through 2 pass above 3,000mabsl (Ala-Bel pass 3,184mabsl and Tjuz Asuu pass 3,586mabsl), almost impossible to use in winter, than a short transit trough Uzbek territory via khonobad is also required. As to the railway network between both city, this is totally irrational, since it goes through 5 cross borders (Chymkent (Khazastan), Tashkent (Uzbekistan), Khudjant (Tajikistan), Andijan (Uzbekistan) and Osh (Kyrgyzstan). The railway and road network between the two main city of the Kyrgyz Ferghana, Osh and Djalal-Abad also requires a short transit (15 km) through Uzbekistan.
Deprived of Khudjant, its natural downstream, the only direct road linkage between the Uzbek Ferghana and Tashkent is crossing by the narrow Oltynkon corridor (Kamcik pass: 2,267mabsl), through Kurama mountains, using a bad and overloaded track. This road make up the only Uzbek gate of the Ferghana is almost impassable during winter and most of all subject to snow slider and avalanche (see note 25) during the winter and spring and most of the traffic transit through Khudjant in Tajikistan. The Uzbek rail network is confronted to the same issues. Built up in 1989, three decades before the cut up of the area made by the Soviet, the network coverage in the valley was naturally following the Syr-Darya thus imposing, since 1929, a 100 km transit through the Tajik territory. The Khudjant events (November 1998) have had repercussion in Uzbekistan, cutting the trade between the Uzbek Ferghana and the rest of the country.
Similarly, the Tajik Ferghana, economical core and the most developed area in tajikistan, is badly connected to the rest of the country. The territorial link is only guaranteed by a 30 km narrow corridor of through the Zerafchan mountain. Between Dushanbe and Khudjant, the direct road can be used only 6 months a year, from May to October, with two pass (over 3,000mabsl: Sharistan and Anzob) through which the road goes, are opened. The rest of the year, this topographic constraint require a long transit through Samarcande (Uzbekistan) imposing 200 additional km. As to the railways, the network lies on exhausting and long-lasting stop over through Termez (Uzbekistan), Karki (Turkmenistan), Samarkande (Uzbekistan) and Khudjant (Tajikistan) which amounts to four cross borders.
Current
infrastructures investment made to improve road transportation within the
countries
To avoid those constraints, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are undertaken enormous investment to build new infrastructure that support their national interest:
In the Kyrgyz republic: construction of the Jalal-abad-Uzgen road (51km) will pass around of Uzbeks cities and villages in order to avoid the Uzbek territory.
In Uzbekistan: rehabilitation of the Kokand-Tashkent road.
In Tajikistan: construction of Anzob tunnel (5,000m) through the Zerafchan valley (Gisar range mountain).
Major inter-regional
transportation
A big project is on the track: Tashkent-Andijan-Osh-Iskestan-Kashgar international road. It will be an integrated part of transcontinental road as a part of the Great Silk Road's Central Asia branch and will open a safe transport corridor from Europe to China via the Caucasus.
The demand for air transport during the soviet era was artificially induced/created (underpricing fuels, subsidies...). After the collapse of the Soviet Union, air travel decline significantly throughout the valley, and almost all the direct flights between secondary cities were closed, the network system is centred on capitals and mainly intra-national. It is only possible to flight between Bishkek to Ferghana city and Khudjant one's a week. Another problem is that many flights are delayed if not cancelled due to lack of fuel (huge crisis in Kyrgyzstan in November/December 1999).
Cross cutting issues: International exchanges, especially in energy and transport involve two separate tasks: rehabilitating existing facilities such as thermal power plants in the Ferghana Valley and constructing new facilities such as Andijan-Kashgar road.
In the Ferghana Valley, the agriculture during the collectivisation was a net capital generator. The capital was the source of investments funds for other sectors of the Uzbek, Kyrgyz and Tajik economy. The privatisation process of the agricultural sector in the Ferghana Valley, undertaken with different procedures within the three countries have led to many complications and was not always carried out cautiously.
We, of course, can not applied in Central Asia the same strategy than in central or eastern Europe because of the different historical background and development of the Republics of Central Asia (that led to a different Heritage). In difference with European countries, the Ferghana Valley people did not have experience of living under the capitalist system which provide the private ownership, after the feudal way of life, they step into the social model because of the creation of the Soviet Socialist Union.
The issue is completely different in the Ferghana Valley and more generally in Central Asia were the economy and well-being have historically been dependent on agriculture in the oasis and was composed of remnants of nomadic tribes (people used to be cattle breeders, headers)[13] and settled society.
Since the independence, Ferghana's people are confronted to a new reorganisation of the agricultural sector that we lead to new form of management.
Due to its overly flatus geographic setting -covering 80% of its territory- the arable land mass or cropland is comparatively high, the rest are pastures and hayfields on the foothills of the Alay, Ferghana and Kurama mountains.
Irrigated lands of the plains in the valley are used predominantly for the main crops subject to mandatory production quotas: cotton and wheat. The average yields of cotton and wheat in the three countries is comprise between 1,5 to 2,5 tons per hectare. A part of that, fruit and vegetables serve as an important source of cash income in all the Ferghana (on the axis Khudjant-Isfara, Isfana-Batken-Kyzyl-Kyya…). On the foothills, potatoes and other adapted crops are harvested.
Since the independence and in many areas of the Ferghana, the livestock population has shifted from states farms to small farms and household plots. In the Kyrgyz Republic, the number of animals at state farms has decreased steadily and those kept by household has increased. However the distribution of animals over households has skewed and is less equitable than before. In Batken province, animals are the main commodity to trade for staple food.
In general, the privatisation in Tajikistan and in the Kyrgyz Republic has led to a collapse of services (e.g. supply of veterinary drugs) and create the need for new services (e.g. advise on new forms of co-operation). In the mountains surrounding the Ferghana Valley, the snow disasters could be a problem in many areas.
This industry is characterised by a three parts structure involving small independent enterprises, large privatised entities and states enterprises and would require an deeper analysis.
Among the private sectors, we have got the notable example of the textile industry which has been developed in many place through the implementation of joint stock venture plant (with the Korean for example in Khudjant).
This area is characterised by unpropitious environment for agricultural production in the Kyrgyz Republic. The main problem is the accessibility:
1. To land: in sufficient quantity and quality, with acceptable terms of lease duration…
2. To water: quantity, quality, acceptable cost…
3. To markets: collapsed marketing structures, unfair competition, price distortion, absence of market for certain products…
4. To public services: lack of improved biological material, of technical assistance, of wide coverage sanitary schemes…
In Uzbekistan, property rights to land and security of tenure remain ambiguous and the transition to autonomous co-operative or individual private farming remains elusive.
In the Kyrgyz Republic and in Tajikistan, the main problem
of the privatisation is that, "the reshaping of farmers organisation have
in some ways bypass the collective farm which are not only a legacy of a
centralised and statistic system but acquire a social and economic autonomy (at
least for some of them), and retain a kind of social personality which makes it
an actor of the emergence of a civil society"[14].
If the privatisation process is of course inevitable in the long run, it should be done carefully, the different social groups (managers, elite, ordinary members) within production co-operative or collective farms has unequal opportunities in the process of transferring the farm collective into private property." A rush on privatisation may produce a new kind of slavery and put poor people into the hand of few local chiefs"[15], or a re-creation of new "Begs" than the birth of independent private farmers: it is clear to note that the first beneficiaries of the privatisation (in Tajikistan or in the Kyrgyz Republic) of the land were the former Chairman of Kolkhoz/Sovkhoz. The rubber stamp procedures of the government agriculture officials often support the farming of the old cadres.
In fact, the aim of economic and agronomic experts acting in that field is to analyse the resilience and ambivalence of the former/previous farmers structures (collective, state), the emerge ones (private farms, joint stock venture,…), and work on the possibility to create new forms of organisation.
Concerning the legal issues: Compared with other countries, there is still little knowledge of the problems related to land rights and contracts in Tajikistan. Moreover, the contemporary literature often reveals confusion between land tenure, which refers to property rights, and the modes of access to the land - or its use (through tenancy) - which refers to a contract. For the time being and until the end of the moratoria, and given to the heritage of the past system, people have harvested the property of assets and us of land, they are primary user of land and are juridical and physical person (State enterprises, Sovkhozs, collectives farms: Kolkhozs, Dekhan Farms, Join Stock Venture and leasing enterprise…).
The recovers of the general costs by the farmers is clearly questioned in the actual state: complicated and graduated usual taxation system, including various taxes to be paid at different levels, it will become more difficult to make the limited size of land-holding profitable enough to survive.
To handle this a solution could be: Participation at the on-going discussions at national level with regard to future taxation on all economic and agriculture sectors. Co-ordination to give a better understanding of the agricultural fiscality (by training and seminars) to promote the emergence of a class of small land owners. Write reports on the progress of land and agricultural taxes, on both the local and national levels.
Unused land related to the potential, due to different reasons: Lack of sufficient water, misuse of water (laid to heavily salty soil) and inappropriate irrigation and drainage system (which as increased the water logging). Poor irrigation methods turns croplands salty removes the covering of vegetation that protects it from erosion.
Regarding that issue, we should study solutions with regard to irrigation and the implication with regard to small farming communities: treat possible private ownership of the irrigation system and/or community management of this system to make better use of the existing irrigation system (through for example Water Use Unit)[16]. Provide both technical and organisational assistance to the farming communities to reinforce their negotiation ability and power at all levels[17]. Carried out rehabilitation work on the irrigation and drainage network and equipment.
The economic reform of the Kyrgyz Republic is accompanied by many problems that are connected with the collapse of long-establish economic relations with Former Soviet Union and the necessity to create new channels of supply and distribution. The critical changes brought by the privatisation process are unfavourably influencing the agricultural sectors:
1. The traditional export markets has been lost
2. Services presently available for the farming communities in the Kyrgyz republic have been designed for collective and state farm, and are mal-ajusted for private holding
3. New firms exercise speculative pressure on the farmers who are not yet organised themselves in the new environment
4. Problems of access to inputs (twofold: Physical access -availability-, products not found in the markets, no import or marketing network organised, Economic access -solventness-, lack of funds to purchase at the prevailing prices (inputs prices are rising steadily, credit is tight
Under these difficult economic and sectors conditions, its needed an agricultural sector restructuration related to the establishment of newly services (by the way of the design of alternative systems of organisations) and access to inputs for the development of agriculture: Provision of necessary inputs and establishment of a network for seed multiplication, vaccines and medicines for animals (vaccinations campaigns, stronger prevention in cattle…), animal feed and supplements: feed for cattle, complementation with protein feed, urea added to straw, vitamins/minerals supplements, improvement and reorganisation of available storage systems, studying alternative marketing facilities and the organisation of commercialisation.
During the privatisation process, ex-soviet farms have been split into smaller units, many farmers hold only a few acres of land (0,15 ha in the Kyrgyz Republic). Small-scale production is an obstacle to the development of highly efficient farming, and most often economically less-viable[18].. Lead to non profitable land because of limited economic size, once beneficiaries will be unable to cover the costs themselves. The smallest farms are not able to operate heavy machinery and most often over-dimensioned equipment on individual basis.
Solutions proposed:
1. Pay attention towards the diversification of agricultural activities including the development of animal husbandry and the promotion of alternative agricultural products which may result in more income for the farmers. (Examples: possibly milking-cows and goat keeping, green-houses, horticulture, promote activities off-farm). Rotations, associations should be promoted.
2. The equipment must be adjusted to the size of the new farms. The big machinery can continue to be used under systems of rent or collective ownership/management (already experimented in some areas). Smaller equipment, that can be owned and operated by individuals or small groups of individuals can be adopted (examples: small agro-processing equipment) in order to lower the cost and to allow farmers to operate directly, individually or in small groups.
There is almost no organisational nor institutional structures which could respond to the needs of the farming communities, particularly the small holders. All major decisions (concerning lease, quality of land, utilisation, mode of cultivation and types of products) are made with little involvement of the beneficiaries.
Under these difficulties, attempts to create new forms of
organisation and reshaping of organisation are made and need to be supported:
1.Establishment of community-based organisational structures[19] and institutions or reinforcement of the existing groups legally protect (Association of farmers,…).
2.Encourage the kolkhozs who are trying to modernise and diversify their structures[20], helping them to become some kind of co-operatives of autonomous farmers
3.Setting up of joint venture when agricultural forms decide that they can achieve their profit or growth objective more effectively or more economically by integrating all or part of their business and by working together. Those kind of co-operation has to be considered as business extensions of members farms, for joint performance of common activities of farmers, who participate on the basis of a democratic decision process. Co-operative could be specialised for small-scale operations, vertical integration or large-scale operations.
Facts: the agriculture is characterised by lack of maintenance and incapacity to reinvest, to growing obsolescence of farm machinery and other equipment. The inability to produce cash surpluses and have access to lending institutions, the lack of capital renders extremely difficult to make the advance of funds necessary to put in place and take care of crops, or to feed and keep animals, to purchase animals or equipment.
The establishment of a credit and saving project at local level seems to be an inevitable activity both in agricultural and non-agricultural sectors, including income generation projects and small enterprises. A micro credit program will have to be defined, with the goal of making the network autonomous in the medium term. Special attention will be paid to organise such a system which can be carried out by the communities themselves, in longer-term, thus reducing dependence on outside aid.
The long term beneficial effect of privatisation is recognised, however, it's also recognised that the process of transition has had many economic and social consequences:
1. The hidden unemployment that exited in the socialist enterprises has been converted to open employment
2. Serious social consequences is the closure of kindergarten and the loss of cultural and social facilities.
3. The different social groups (managers, elite, ordinary members) within production co-operative or collective farms has unequal opportunities in the process of transferring the farm collective into private property[21].
Links with the economic heritage, the environment problem is also a key point, competition for water and land is a burden and treat for the states. Severe resources stress is affecting many parts of the Valley, due to obvious shortages of land and water and the deterioration of soils and vegetation which leads to disastrous flooding and slides[22].
Environment problems involved in the Ferghana valley:
1. Breakdown of rules of city designing and building in many urban areas (thousand of privates residences were built in water protection area -sections along the rivers and channels flowing through cities-
2. Infrastructure construction in inappropriate ways[23].
3. Cultivation of hills combined with overgrazing and deforestation.
4. Poor irrigation methods turns croplands salty removes the covering of vegetation that protects it from erosion, and inappropriate irrigation and drainage system increased the water logging.
Those problems has been seen to lead to accelerated soil erosion and with undesirable consequences of loss of soil fertility, water holding capacity, damage and loss of crops, increased flooding, sedimentation of streams and irrigation canals.
It is predominantly poverty that forces people to extract as much as they can from the land and produce the imperative for short term survival that gives them no choice but to act against their long-term interests.
That is why incentive the management of the natural resource (long-term duty) has to be link with activities which have a short-term impact such has, for example, income generated activities.
The following are recommendations for long-term involvement in the general sector of agriculture in the Ferghana Valley and in particular in its relation with the environment:
1. to use the land intensively geared towards higher yields and cash crops. Increased yields should be pursued with caution to environmentally negative consequences and have to be done through environmentally sustainable means.
2. Set more land as protected areas
3. Utilise forest land in a managed and sustainable fashion, following a modern forest policy which allows an optimal use of natural resources (with the example of the Kyrgyz-Swiss Forestry Support Program in the ancient nut forests of Arslanbob)
4. increase household income from forest products such as pistachios, various nuts, herbs…
5. Treat possible private ownership of the irrigation system and/or community management of this system to make better use of the existing irrigation system
We think that setting up integrated project (with a strong link in the sector of reforestation and water use management), under -if its possible- a national plan carried out in the spirit of partnership, between the donor community, the government and the beneficiaries, could be a priority for the southern provinces of the Kyrgyz Republic.
The chance of the Ferghana Valley communities is coming from his cultural and social diversity, made up of many social groups based on various ethnic, linguistic, and religious communities. In addition, the valley and its surrounded mountains are rich in resources endowments, and historical trade links.
Development potential are numerous, ACTED will try to develop activities for achieving equality, and for achieving social justice in respect with the socio-economic characteristic of the valley. We have started our activities in 1998, and would like, with the collaboration of the population, representative of the civil and public sphere, international partners to strengthen our intervention.
[1] 140 conversation with Molotov, F. Chuyev, 1987
[2] The Ferghana Valley Development Programme, UNDP, 1999
[3] Vkontse nedeli, November 12.
[4] "the first time the problem of Afghan narcotics was raised in Central Asia was in 1992, when the first 5 kilos os smuggled opium were withdraw from the illicit turnover in Kyrgyzstan", Colonel Alexander Zelitchenko, Project Officer of the UN project: Osh Knot. The times of Central Asia, November 18, 1999.
[5] Taliban's Drug Dilemma: opium production versus International recognition, Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy, 08/12/99, via Turkestan newsletter
[6] Op. cit., Colonel Alexander Zelitchenko
[7] L'Islam d'Asie Centrale et le monde musulman, HERODOTE, 2nd semestre 1997, N°84, pp. 57 and following
[8] The lessons of history,N. Shakrani, Central Asia Monitor, N°1, 1992
[9] Op.ci, note 7
[10] Expression from Alisher Khamidov
[11] Regional Economic Cooperation in Central Asia, ADB, July 1998,pp.23 and following
[12] Coal Industry Support - TACIS, Final Report, p72 and following
[13] Raw and processed fibber's (cotton, silk, wool and flax), livestock (horses, sheep, camels and cattle) and foodstuff (grain, fruits and vegetable) were specially in high demand when the overland international trade -the silk road- was at the acme of its powers in the middle of the 15th century. Soon after, the opening of the maritime route linking the Indian and Atlantic Oceans reversed the prosperity which the Silk Road had brought to Central Asia. (McChesnay)
[14] Olivier Roy, La nouvelle Asie
Centrale, Fabrication des Nations, pp. 124 and following.
[15] Gerard Viguie, op. cit.
[16] 1. Precise the strategy of the government in transforming some of the functions normally managed by the MIWR towards WUU's
2. Create WUU with workers/members of state and collective farms and a range of Dekhand Farms, and at District level, create Association (or federation) of local WUU.
[17] Training of Water User's Association representatives and employees on key issues of proper water management.
[18] For example the effective use of irrigation systems depends on the size of the farms. Their maintenance is too expensive for individual owners and their normal functioning will be destroyed if they are broken up into small units.
[19] Surveys could be done on the way people tend to recreate (or to revert to) traditional extended families, bound with solidarity ties, sort of process of reapropriation -through own decided way- by the existing society of the transition process.
[20] Olivier Roy, op.cit., "What
we see in many kolkhozs, but not in all, is the emergence of a new kind of
manager the apparatchik -farmer, who endeavors to modernize his kolkhozs by
diversifying the production, giving more flexibility and autonomy to the
peasants, and going to the market as an autonomous economic actor. Such a
kolkhoz tries to retain its sociological basis, and to become an actor of free
economy.
[21] An example is the practice of leasing the land to the same person who were the collective farm managers before reunification. The rubber stamp procedures of the government agriculture officials often support the farming of the old cadres: the old management class has no difficulties in obtaining the support of the officials.
[22] Torrential rains in May 1998 in the provinces of Osh and Jalal-Abad and especially in the village of Suzak as resulted in tremendous flood and made about 7,280 people home less.
[23] Recently 24 persons were killed by snow avalanche in Uzbekistan. The avalanche occurs in the mountain pass Kamchik at 2,300mabsl were has been built the only road between central Uzbekistan and the Ferghana Valley.